Ghetto in Podzamcze – the displacement action
On the 16th of March 1942 the German security forces commenced with the liquidation of the ghetto in the Podzamcze District of Lublin, simultaneously undertaking a programme of genocide which, in the months to come, was designed to embrace the entire General Government (GG) and was aimed at nothing less than the biological extermination of the Jewish population, coupled with the plunder of Jewish property. It was part of “the Final Solution to the Jewish Question” formulated by the Third Reich.
Initially, the targets of the exterminations were mainly Polish Jews. Soon, however, it was extended to encompass Jews coming from the Reich itself, along with German-occupied countries of Western and Southern Europe as well as satellite nations (for example Slovakia). Most transports consisted of freight cars loaded with victims destined for the gas chambers of death camps, with only a few directed to transitional ghettos, which were an intermediary stage in the process of extermination. In order to disguise the atrocity, death camps were located in sparsely populated peripheral regions of the General Government, in the vicinity of small towns – Bełżec, Sobibór and Treblinka. In June 1942, the operation was given the cryptonym “Reinhardt”, in homage to one of the principal designers of “the Final Solution to the Jewish Question” and the head of the Reich Main Security Office, Reinhard Heydrich.
- The first stage of the liquidation of the ghetto (17 – 31 March)
- The second stage of the liquidation of the ghetto (31 March – 14 April)
- New documents
- The number of victims
The preparations for the biological extermination of the Jewish population under the General Government started in the autumn of 1941 and were supervised by the SS and Police Commander for the Lublin District, Odilo Globocnik. For the needs of the operation, Globocnik created special “displacement headquarters” and dispatched 453 officers of the German security forces to work for it. Its seat was situated in the building of the pre-war Stefan Batory Secondary School in Spokojna Street in Lublin, which was renamed the Julius Schreck Casern. SS-Hauptsturmführer Hermann Höfle was appointed Commander of the Headquarters. Part of the preparations consisted of planning work for the design of the stationary death camp in Bełżec, the construction of which started at the beginning of November. The operation later included sentry units from the training camp in Trawniki. They comprised former Soviet prisoners of war who decided to collaborate with Germans in exchange for being released1.
On Lublin ground, the preparations for the liquidation of the ghetto in Podzamcze were initiated by German civilian and police forces in December 1941, and can be linked to the decree on residence restrictions for Jews in the city of Lublin, issued by the Governor of the Lublin District, Ernst Zörner. At the same time, the boundaries of the ghetto delineated at the end of March were officially confirmed. At the turn of 1941/1942, rumours arrived at the Jewish Quarter about the plans for the division of the ghetto, the news of which was shared with the Presidium of the Jewish Mutual Social Aid Society (ŻSS) by the member of the Lublin Judenrat, dr Josef Siegfried, on December 15th:
”(…) Preparations are underway in order to close the district. According to the news we have received, there are two Jewish Quarters to be established in Lublin – A and B. District A is to be intended for people working outside the Jewish Quarter, and district B is to be completely closed off (…)”2.
The rumours took shape at the beginning of 1942. It was then, on the basis of a decree issued by Zörner, that the division of the ghetto into sections A and B was carried out. Concern over the typhoid epidemic in the ghetto was given as the official explanation. In reality, however, these actions were part of the arrangements for the ghetto's liquidation. Following guidelines set by the German police authorities, plans for part B assumed gathering approx. 10,000 privileged Jews, employed by German companies, businesses and administrative institutions, as well as office workers of the Judenrat and the Jewish Mutual Social Aid Society (ŻSS). The remaining 25,000 Jews were to inhabit part A3.
Despite the disturbing news arriving at the ghetto, its inhabitants were unaware of the widespread preparations for the biological extermination of Jews already in progress. In line with the objectives laid out by the “displacement headquarters”, the Lublin ghetto was to be the first to undergo complete liquidation, serving as trial ground for subsequent actions carried out in other towns of the Lublin District4.
Persecutions prior to displacement
On 15 October 1941, the General Governor Hans Frank issued a formal order that Jews caught outside the ghetto without special permits were to be punished with death. Similar restrictions were introduced for people helping fugitives. At the beginning of March 1942, 11 Jews who had illegally left the area of the ghetto were executed5. From the first days of December, additional repressive measures were being taken with the sole purpose of deepening the isolation and aggravating the living conditions of Jewish citizens. After the new ordinance restricting Jewish residence in the city had been implemented within the first ten days of the month, the German security forces, by order of Odilo Globocnik, carried out several consecutive property confiscation actions at the turn of December and January. In this manner, the German authorities came into possession of large amounts of fur coats and other fur items, wool, quilts, hangings and net curtains6. The action covered all of German-occupied Polish territory, which was a particularly acute repression in the face of the imminent severe winter. Another blow was the closing of the Postal Office – Lublin 4 at 22 Świętoduska Street, as well as cutting off the electricity supply to the ghetto. Moreover, the process of relocating the Judenrat departments (so far operating outside the ghetto) into the Jewish Quarter had begun7.
The division of the ghetto
The rumours circulating among the inhabitants of the ghetto took concrete form in the first weeks of 1942. German forces carried out the division of the ghetto, which meant that section B – assigned as the housing area for the “privileged” Jews – was fenced with barbed wire. The corresponding decree, delineating the boundaries of ghetto B and prohibiting the migration of people between the different sections of the ghetto, was issued by governor Zörner at the beginning of February:
“1/ In order to close off the Jews employed in German offices and companies outside the old Jewish housing area (Ghetto), a Jewish special housing zone is to be created (special Ghetto) in the part of the city of Lublin delimited to the following streets: Rybna, Kowalska from the corner of Rybna to Krawiecka, Krawiecka to the corner of Podwale, Podwale along the fence to Grodzka, Grodzka up to the Rynek (…).
2/ The special Ghetto can only be entered and exited through the designated gates.
3/ Jews living in the Ghetto are strictly forbidden to attempt unauthorised entry into the special Ghetto, marked number 1. Similarly, Jews living in the special Ghetto are not allowed unauthorised entry into the Ghetto”8.
Information on the division of the ghetto was released in the collaborationist tabloid The New Lublin Voice, which published an article under the symptomatic title “A special ghetto in Lublin”, which was technically a reprinted version of the decree issued previously9.
Stamping work permits
In the first days of March, in the main office of the Security Police and Security Service at 3 Uniwersytecka Street, the stamping of work permits had started, which was to be the last piece in the arrangements for beginning the Lublin displacement actions. The only Jews entitled to stamped work permits were those employed in German companies, businesses, offices as well as the Judenrat clerks, Jewish police officers and Jewish aid institutions office workers. This right was also extended to their closest family members10.
A stamped work permit was to provide its owner and their closest family with a sense of security. In reality, however, the action resulted in worry and fear11. Many inhabitants of the ghetto began to anticipate the next steps that would be taken by the German authorities, since many still had a clear and bitter memory of the resettlements to the provincial towns of the Lublin District which had affected several thousand Jews of their number the year before. Still, no one had the slightest idea of what was about to happen in the days to come.
In the face of the uncertain, the wealthier Jews were beginning to try to “obtain” stamped work permits, which were limited goods after all. They would often pay tremendous amounts of money for them, which soon led to malversation. Document trading was supervised by Szama Grajer, a German informer, acting no doubt on behalf of his mandataries and sharing profits with them. Apart from its economical dimension, creating the ability to obtain stamped work permits illegaly might have been little more than a trick, consciously devised for the purpose of stabilising the unrest in the ghetto. Another strategy for outlasting the difficult period was also preparing hideouts in the area. The atmosphere improved when on the anniversary of the resettlements no actions were carried out. The following fragment of an anonymous account given by a runaway from Lublin and preseved in the Warsaw Ghetto Archive can serve as evidence here:
“Straight after the stamping action, people began to speculate what might be its aim. The prevailing opinion was that we should expect resettlement. The informer, Greger [Grajer – J.Ch.] confirmed it, too. Since he was very well connected and “welcome” in the German circles, he supposedly heard of the resettlement from Stadthauptmann himself. The general assuption was that it would take place on the anniversary of the previous resettlement, that is on March 10th. However, the day had passed and nothing happened. Also the next day passed peacefully and there was nothing in sight. For that reason, the vox populi decided Greger to be a cheat, only caring for the stamps income (since he forged them for a high price) and resettlement a thing he made up. So when previously everyone had tried to stay alert and be ready for any emergency, now they simply went about their business without feeling the need for precaution12.
The meeting between Höfle and Reuter
Only several hours before the beginning of the liquidation action, a meeting was held in Lublin between the head of the Operation Reinhardt Headquarters, Hermann Höfle, and the representative of the District Governor's Office, Fritz Reuter. Höfle informed the representative of the civilian administration of the procedure to be applied towards Jews deported from Slovakia, the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, and the Reich. The surviving record of the meeting was prepared by Reuter:
“1. It would be justified for the Jewish transports arriving in the Lublin District to be divided already at the departure station into those fit for work and those unable to work. Should performing the division at the departure station be impossible, the following rule of Lublin transport division should be applied.
2. All Jews unable to work are to be transported to Bełżec, the furthest border station of the Zamość county.
3. Hauptsturmführer Höfle is planning to build a big camp, where Jews fit for work will be registered according to their profession and where any need for them can be reported. He finally stated that every day he would be able to accept 4-5 transports of 1,000 Jews directed for Bełżec. These Jews, having crossed the border, will never come back to the territory of the General Government”13.
According to Höfle's indications, before the departure of each transport, a selection was to be carried out and should this prove impossible, it was to be organised in Lublin, probably on the railway platform of the Flugplatz work camp, which also functioned as the main sorting department for property stolen from the Jews murdered during Operation Reinhardt. In the selections, young and strong men were mainly chosen and led to the concentration camp at Majdanek (KL Lublin), as well as other work posts in Lublin. The remaining people were temporarily placed in the so-called transit ghettos or sent immediately to death camps. In the course of the operation, the transition ghettos were to be emptied of all the Polish Jews first and only later of those brought from other German-occupied countries, the satellite nation of Slovakia, and the Reich. In the design of the policy makers responsible for the realisation of Operation Reinhardt, KL Lublin was to become a workforce reservoir, which reaffirmed the role the camp created in the autumn of 1941 had played so far. At the end of the meeting, Höfle ascertained that 4-5 transports, a thousand people each, could be directed daily to “the Bełżec station”. What it truly meant, however, was that a death camp had been activated on the outskirts of the said town14.
The first stage of the liquidation of the ghetto (17 – 31 March)
The displacement action commenced on the night of 16th/17th of March in the northern part of the ghetto – in the area of Lubartowska and Unicka. The lights in the quarter were switched on, which caused general apprehension since for many months its inhabitants had been used to a complete blackout. At the start of the liquidation action, the ghetto was inhabited by 37,000 to 38,000 Jews, 14,000 of whom were moved to section B15.
SS-officers responsible for the Lublin displacement actions
The task of deporting the Lublin Jews was given to a special operation group of 25-30 people, under the command of the head of the Jewish department at the local station of Security Police (SiPo) and Security Office (SD), SS-Obersturmführer Hermann Worthoff. The group comprised mainly of officers and warrant officers of the security forces, among them SS-Untersturmführer Wilhelm Walther, SS-Untersturmführer dr Harry Sturm, SS-Untersturmführer Knitzkie and Ernst vel Erich Kalich. They were assigned two companies of wardens from the support formations of the Sentry Units for the Lublin District SS and Police Command, trained in Trawniki16. Many of these individuals were given alcohol before the action took place which further increased their brutal behaviour towards victims in the course of the operation.
The displacement action lasted from March 17th to April 14th and was a systematic operation covering street after street of the ghetto. The evicted Jews were gathered in rallying points where preliminary selections took place. These were situated at Targowy Square, in a little patch of green adjoining the Judenrat building (from the side of the present-day Fara Square) and in a courtyard at 2 Szeroka Street. The main selection place was the Great Maharshal Synagogue in Jateczna Street where the victims were kept for the night, only to be rushed out first thing in the morning into the shipment square behind the city slaughterhouse in Łęczyńska Street, which served as the departure platform for human transports heading for the death camp in Bełżec. The operation was directed from the “field headquarters” situated in the only active restaurant in the ghetto at 15 Lubartowska Street, which was run by the informer, Grajer. From the telephone on its premises, up-to-date reports on the situation in the ghetto were delivered to the “displacement headquarters”. The SS-officers arriving at the restaurant had been partaking willingly in Grajer's hospitality. Waiters served them food and alcohol, and the local band performed songs popular at the time17.
The course of the displacement action
In the first days of the liquidation action, the German authorities invalidated most of the permits enabling Jews to enter the “Aryan side”, go out at night or use cabs. Documents were to be submitted to the Judenrat through which they were to be handed over to the police. As a consequence of failing to obey these instructions, the J-Ausweis cards were withdrawn or not issued (at the turn of March and April they replaced the previously used stamped work permits, protecting persons of the ghetto from displacement)18.
Only several hours after the action had begun, the SS-officers responsible for its execution presented the Judenrat with Regulations concerning the displacement, which were then postered on the walls of the ghetto. Officially, the only people exempt from evictions were those in possession of a stamped work certificate. Their closest family members were also protected. The remaining inhabitants were to move to ghetto A first. In reality, however, the chaos of the first days of the operation resulted in many owners of work permits being deported, too. Leaving the area of the ghetto was only possible with a special certificate and through the designated gates. The gate to ghetto A was on the corner of Cyrulicza and Lubartowska, correspondingly to ghetto B on the corner of Kowalska and Lubartowska. Unauthorised leave of the ghetto was punished with death. Area A was to be dispossessed of food supplies, which were to be taken to area B, and on the border between both sections (at Cyrulicza or Lubartowska Streets) a makeshift hospital was ordered for the most gravely ill. People who were intended for displacement were allowed 15kg of luggage, money and valuables19. A description of the beginning of the eviction action is to be found in an anonymous account given to the Ringelblum Archive:
“(...) unexpectedly, at midnight, lights went on in the Jewish Quarter and SD-officers together with Ukrainians [sentries from Trawniki – J. Ch.] surrounded Lubartowska Street. People thought it was a regular roundup for Majdanek. It turned out, however, that it was an eviction action. They were knocking on the gates and telling people to get ready for eviction – the synagogue was to be the gathering place. 1,600 people were taken that night. There were victims, too – they killed the old mostly (and did not spare the young). (…) On the next day, the Jewish Community announced that people without an SD-stamp, the work permit that is, had to get ready for eviction. The others were told to move to ghetto “B” which was to be enlarged, encompassing Rybna, Grodzka, Kowalska, Cyrulicza and Lubartowska up to number 5. In the first two [days] evictions took place only at night, everything was perfectly calm during daytime. The Jewish police were also involved in the evictions. And so every night 1,600 people were methodically taken (...)”20.
There are no surviving sources enabling researchers to mark the exact route which the victims had to take from the rallying point to the shipment square behind the slaughterhouse. Nevertheless, it leaves no room for doubt that after the evicted left the Jewish Quarter, they were marched in columns along Kalinowszczyzna Street. In the first stage of the liquidation of the ghetto, the operation was carried out only at night. After a short break at the end of March, however, the displacement was continued irrespective of the time of day21.
Initially, no one was aware of the fate that had befallen the evicted Jews. Many people were convinced that the transports heading east had taken them to forced labour camps, since the name of Bełżec was only ever associated with the work camp operating there until the autumn of 1941. With the passing of time, however, ghastly information began to reach the Lublin ghetto, delivered by the employees of the Polish rail and people hired to track the transports, as well as those who managed to escape from them. The lack of communication from the displaced people themselves caused greater and greater anxiety of the Judenrat, too22. The news of the deportations from Lublin had quickly begun to reach the Warsaw ghetto through those who had run away. The situation in the Lublin ghetto alarmed the head of the Warsaw Judenrat, Adam Czerniakow, which is evident from the entry in his diary, dated March 18th: “(...) Disturbing news from Lviv (30,000 displaced), Mielec, Lublin”23. Undoubtedly, local Jews were greatly misinformed in the opening period, which is described in a very evocative way by Ida Glickstein-Rapaport:
“No one knew for certain where these people were being taken to. Some said that they were led to Kalinowszczyzna, behind the slaughterhouse, where they are loaded onto freight cars waiting on the tracks. Those lagging behind are shot; also the loading is carried out to the sounds of machine guns and series of shots reach those who are too slow to board the train. This was one of the versions, but there were others, too. One railwayman told an acquainted Jew that the evicted are loaded onto the cars so tight that they suffocate, and the train is left on the sidetrack for days. The victims don't get food or water. (…) One boy returned from the transport and said that everyone is taken to Bełżec and dies of electrocution. If there was any certainty of death, maybe people would defend themselves, maybe they'd call out: “Blood for blood, at least several Germans will die for hundreds of us”. The SS, with the help of traitor intermediaries, spread the news of resettlements to Russia, where a work force is needed, where resettlers find bearable living conditions. And the confused people believed, packed what they had best in a bag, sewed money up in the linings of their coats and took off”24.
Germans were very well aware of Jews undercover in specially prepared hideouts which were situated in both sections of the ghetto. An efficient execution of the displacement action entailed the engagement of Jewish citizens themselves, as well as the Judenrat, in the very process of annihilation. People in possession of a stamped work permit were obliged to inform the Judenrat of clandestine residents in the area of ghettos A and B. In the days to come, the owners of the stamps were employed in the action of scouring the houses in the area. Also the Jewish police was involved in the operation. People trying to protect their hiding compatriots risked the eviction of the entire tenement house in question. Faced with severe sanctions, but following their last ray of hope, many Jews tried to save their families and themselves, sacrificing the lives of their neighbours. The scope of denunciation is impossible to be determined on the basis of the surviving sources25.
Executions in the ghetto and in the suburbs of Lublin
During the displacement operation, several “special actions” took place, the victims of which were not sent to the death camp but murdered on the outskirts of Lublin in previously prepared ditches. Among the executed victims were the residents of the Nursery Home for Children and the Elderly, the House for Disabled Soldiers, as well as the patients of the public and epidemic hospitals. Most probably, the German decisions were purely pragmatic, based on the assumption that executing the weakest on the spot would be easier than their deportation. The first victims were children from the Orphanage at 11 Grodzka Street. The most probable date of their execution was March 24th. Children with their guardians were transported in lorries to a disused sand mine in Łęczyńska Street and executed next to a specially prepared ditch. Approximately a hundred children died on that day together with their two or three carers (26). On the same day, most probably as a consequence of another “special action”, died the residents of the Old People's Home in 5 Krawiecka Street and the House for Disabled Soldiers in Jateczna Street – around several dozen people altogether27. The details of this murder are, however, unknown.
On the 27th of March, the SS-officers carried out a liquidation action on two Jewish hospitals – the public one in 53 Lubartowska and the contagious diseases centre at 4 Czwartek Street. Both operations had most likely taken place on the same day, and in the early hours of the morning. The building had been surrounded by Ukrainian watchmen who initiated selections together with the officers of the security forces. The people destined for death were the ill, pregnant women or those who had just given birth, together with their newborn babies. The public hospital as well as the Orphanage and Old People's Home were often perceived by the inhabitants of the ghetto as a safe haven where many people sought refuge. German soldiers, aware of this, conducted a security check of work permits, imprisoning any person without a stamped document28. The selections were described after the war by a nurse from the public hospital, Sujka Erlichman-Bank:
“After seven o'clock the hospital was to be emptied. Patients were segregated into those in possession of Arbeitskarte and those without them. And later into bedridden patients and walking ones. Suddenly everyone was “healed”: “I'm not ill, I can get up!” – shouted people in their last effort, their heads falling back on the pillows. Screaming, shrieking, everyone looking for a way to escape. The hospital surrounded by Ukrainians. Through the open windows of the maternity ward executioners throw newborn babies, the desperate voices of their helpless mothers following them into the tightly shut heavens”29.
The selections affected patients but also the staff of the public hospital. Some of the doctors and nurses were allowed to stay in the hospital to tidy up. By the end of March they all received the J-Ausweis entitling them to remain in the area of the ghetto. When the residual ghetto in Majdan Tatarski was created, the hospital personnel still alive were moved there with the task of establishing a new medical post. An altogether different fate befell the staff of the contagious diseases hospital who were not subjected to any selections, most probably out of the fear of spreading the epidemic of typhoid fever. Everyone who failed to go through the selection process was executed in an already prepared ditch on the outskirts of the Niemce village (30). All of the “special actions” were supervised by security service officers responsible for the liquidation of the ghetto.
An interruption of the displacement action
At the end of March, the German authorities ordered a several day break in the displacement actions, which most probably took place from 29th to 31st March. The German commando responsible for carrying out the operation in the Lublin ghetto was sent to Izbica and Piaski.
During the break, the SS-officers demanded a financial contribution of several hundred zloty from the Jewish citizens. By orders of the Judenrat, money was collected from people residing in the ghetto. The collection was intended to trick and confuse people since it had no impact on the future of the ghetto anyway. The Judenrat, however, appointed a special committee for the delivery of the required money and valuables. The committee consisted of councilmen Dawid Edelsztajn and Salomon Kestenberg, a clerk – Josef Szrojt, and two informers – Moniek Goldfarb and Bolesław Tenenbaum, serving as intermediaries. After the contribution had been handed in, the councilmen together with the clerk were arrested and, in all likelihood, executed at the Castle prison31.
The second stage of the liquidation of the ghetto (31 March – 14 April)
The liquidation action was resumed with information passed to the Judenrat of the reduction of its staff. Moreover, it was ordained that the stamped work permits be substituted with the so-called J-Ausweis cards, which were only distributed among the Jews deemed “indispensable” by the German authorities. Family members were, in this case, not entitled to the new documents. Similarly to previous arrangements, evictions took place irrespective of the time of day.
“Reconstruction” of the Judenrat
On March 31st, during a meeting of the Judenrat, the SS-officers announced the resumption of the displacement action and the simultaneous reduction of the number of the councilmen from 24 to 12. Only six of the former council members were included in the new board – Marek Alten, Dawid Hochgemajn, Leon Hufnagel, Jakub Kelner, Izaak Kerszman and Nachman Lerner. They were joined by an office clerk, Wolf Wiener, as well as Ejzyk Brodt, Daniel Kupferminc, Józef Rotrubin, Szulim Tajkef and Bolesław Tenenbaum. Marek Alten was appointed the new chair of the Judenrat, co-chaired by Izaak Kerszman. The remaining councilmen, together with the former chair, Henryk Bekker, and the head of the Jewish Aid and Rescue Committee for the County, dr Josef Siegfried, were sent to the death camp in Bełżec. The two men were assured by Germans that in the place of their new residence they would be assigned positions corresponding to the ones they held in Lublin32. The moment of Bekker's eviction is described in the account of Efraim Krasucki:
“Engineer Bekker had been executed by the Germans before the ghetto in Majdan Tatarski was created. One day, they arrived at his place, made him wear his tallit and led him to the prayer house, where many other captured men were already held. The Gestapo who took him were in good mood and kept joking that he will still be the head of the Jewish Community where he's going”33.
The news of the disapperance of the Judenrat members very quickly arrived at the Warsaw ghetto. As soon as April the 1st, the head of the Warsaw Judenrat, Adam Czerniakow, made the following entry in his journal:
“(...) News from Lublin. 90% of Jews are to leave Lublin in the span of several days. 16 members of the Judenrat, including chairman Bekker were supposedly imprisoned. Family members of the other councilmen, apart from wives and children, are to leave Lublin, too”34.
The new board of the Judenrat included the head of the Jewish Police, Daniel Kupferminc, as well as the informer Bolesław Tenenbaum, who was given the task of supervising the Jewish Police forces. Tenenbaum's rise aroused the envy and anxiety of Szama Grajer, known as “the king of the ghetto” by some Jews. Grajer, fearing his influence and power would be reduced and his profits diminished, denounced Tenenbaum. As a result of the denunciation, Tenenbaum was arrested by the Gestapo and murdered at the beginning of April35. Meanwhile, the rumour among the inhabitants of the ghetto was that the man was imprisoned for corruption, which had allowed him to amass a fairly big fortune.
During a special session of the Judenrat, held on the 31st of March, the SS-officers announced that only the owners of the J-Ausweis were allowed to remain in the area of the ghetto, all others to be immediately resettled. The owners of the J-Ausweis cards were instructed to inform the German authorities of any Jews in hiding. Failure to do so was punished with the eviction of the entire tenement house should “clandestines” be discovered by Germans themselves. An incident of this kind took place on March 31st in a house at 23 Grodzka Street where 10 people were found36.
The distribution of the new documents commenced on the 1st of April. However, the council workers, clerks and Jewish policemen were most probably handed the certificates already by the end of March. Initially, only 2,500 J-Ausweis cards were delivered, their number eventually rising to no more than 4,000. The owners of the new document were also entitled to ration coupons37. The distribution of the J-Ausweis is described by Anna Bach:
“(...) The Gestapo in Lublin decided in a special decree to leave only 4,000 Jews in the city and the remaining to be taken away. Among the 4,000 were the Judenrat members, clerks and people employed by them. Each was given a card with a black letter “J” (Jude) and this card entitled them to live. Each owner of the card was to move to Majdan Tatarski. It turned out to be pure theory, though. In reality what ensued was an amazing mess. People started trading with the “Js”, the first ones to earn money from this were the Gestapo officers, then the clerks of the Community, Jewish policemen, and people with alliances. As a result, the “Js” were also given to the unemployed, because the Germans issued only a limited number of them, so some would have their cards removed and others would be given and so on, without end. It was an opportunity for all sorts of low tricks. The Germans meant to allow the families of the working people to stay with them, but because the “Js” were running short it often turned out that an employed person would get two or three permits for a family of four and had to choose which relatives to take to the new place of residence, and which to leave in the lurch. There was no end to family tragedies, and people were driven mad with all of this (...)”38.
The limited number of the J-Ausweis cards led to an increased trade in the documents. Only wealthy people were able to afford them, however, since their prices were often staggeringly high. The individual person running the business was the collaborationist Grajer – allowed to do so simply because the various German officers concerned could partake of his income39.
Resumption of the displacement action
During the meeting which took place on the 31st of March, apart from being informed of the resumption of the displacement action, the Judenrat together with the so-called Jewish Order Service (ŻSP) were told by the SS-officers to join the operation. At the same time, the number of Jewish policemen was reduced to 78 officers – 35 people were to be taken away. The whole contingent destined for deportation consisted of 1,600 people40.
Because of the fact that the evicted left a significant number of movable property behind, the Judenrat established committees for taking care of the abandoned food supplies, as well as clothes and other items. In reality, the Council had repossessed the things of the poorest quality only, the remaining items having been taken over by the Germans, who were systematically looting Jewish property41.
The second stage of the liquidation of the ghetto finished on April 14th when the Judenrat received information concerning plans for creating a secondary ghetto in the suburban district of Lublin – Majdan Tatarski. The decree was delivered by an SS-officer, Harry Sturm. The resettlement of several thousand Jews who temporarily escaped death was carried out between the 17th and 19th of April.
During the whole period of the liquidation action in the Podzamcze ghetto, the German Work Office (NUP) had been notifying the Judenrat of the need for workers, irrespective of gender, who were to be dispatched to different work places in Lublin and the surrounding farms. The German readiness to employ Jews was a consequence of work force shortages caused by the deportations of Polish citizens for forced labour in the Reich. On the day after the displacement action had been completed, NUP issued a demand for farm workers. On March 24th, an announcement on the planned employment of 40 women in the work camp at 7 Lipowa Street was postered on the walls of the ghetto. The interested women were to apply on the very day in the building of the Judenrat42.
By April, most Jews had already been deported or executed. In spite of that, on April 13th another announcement appeared on the walls of the ghetto, demanding as many as 300 workmen for the Telephone Board in Lublin. Also, it was further announced that people without the J-Ausweis were allowed to apply for the posts, which was supposedly pre-arranged with the SiPo. Employees were to be remunerated for their work and receive free food. Regardless of the efforts to hire a team of workers, only a few inhabitants of the ghetto responded, which was unsurprising given the circumstances of the displacement action. Jews were simply afraid of being deceived, which was justified, especially since many people hiding in the ghetto were without J-Ausweis. The demand for workers on the Telephone Board was announced once more on the 14th of April:
“(…) Judeneinsatzstelle asserts that employees (…) are under no threat. On the contrary, every effort will be made for them to be given J-Ausweis cards. What is more, their work will be remunerated with goods and money. Employees will be given food in the workplace as well as regular and extra work permits (…)”43.
Aid for resettlers
From the very start of the liquidation action the Judenrat was striving to arrange help for the resettlers, despite little knowledge of their fate. In that period, foreign aid was still reaching Jews, even though its scope was relatively small. Four parcels arrived from Purtugal and Amsterdam, one of them addressed to a private person, Estera Scheidling. Most addressees never received their mail, being already gone from their homes44.
Aid activities were to be coordinated by a committee of three people, appointed by the Judenrat, Leon Hufnagel, Jakub Kelner and Józef Rotrubin. Their task was to divide bread and money sent by ŻSS among people. By the end of March, the Judenrat received 10,000 zloty for aid expenses, and later an additional sum of 15,000 zloty45.
For obvious reasons, the extent of aid was greatly inadequate and the Jewish institutions had no means of relieving the situation. The reasons for it lay mostly in the impoverishment of the Jewish community and the chaos sweeping through the ghetto. Food supplies and money were divided by the German forces and, with time, their distributions were limited significantly. Another impediment was the lack of official information about the fate of the displaced.
The number of victims
The liquidation action in the Podzamcze District was carried out in an extremely brutal manner and many people were murdered on the spot. The victims were mostly the weakest ones, who might have hindered the progress of the action, as well as Jews who had attempted to conceal thmselves. People were executed in their homes and in the streets, the corpses being collected daily by the “Last Rites” services and buried in the New Jewish Cemetery in Unicka Street. It can be presumed that many people died of hunger in their hideouts when those responsible for letting them out were taken away.
There exists a surviving document with the statistics of deaths, prepared by the “Last Rites” during the displacement action. By the end of March, 670 bodies were listed, and in mid April another 203, giving the total of 873 murdered people. The identity of 283 men and 148 women was determined46. Apart from the statistics data, there are very few documents on the basis of which the exact figures can be ascertained. One individual whose time of death it is possible to estimate was Jakub (Jankiel) Nisenbaum, shot at the beginning of April47. The moment of his death is related by Ida Glickstein:
“One day two Gestapo officers arrived at the Council and told him to come with them. They took several dozen steps maybe and then shot him in the back. Why? You can't tell, but really you can tell very well”48.
The bodies were being collected for several weeks after the eviction had ended as part of the “district cleansing” operation. In this period the bodies are mostly of people who had died in their hideouts as a result of exhaustion. According to the surviving statistics, by the end of April 128 corpses were collected. Hence, the minimal death toll of Jews murdered during the displacement action can be given the exact number of 1001 people. It is worth bearing in mind, however, that probably not all bodies were discovered, some of them remaining in hideouts undisclosed even while the ghetto was being searched49. The statistics do not include the victims of the so-called “stationary displacement”, among them the children from the Orphanage, the residents of the Old People's Home, the House for Disabled Soldiers, as well as the public and the contagious diseases hospitals, the numbers of whom might have reached an estimate of several hundred people.
On the day before the start of the Podzamcze ghetto liquidation, the area in question was inhabited by 37,000 – 38,000 Jews. When the relocation to the secondary ghetto in Majdan Tatarski was completed, only 7,000 – 8,000 arrived there, out of whom 3,000 – 4,000 were clandestine. On the grounds of the existing data, it can be assumed that approximately 28,000 Jews were taken straight to the death camp in Bełżec50.
1 B. Musiał, Przypadek modelowy dotyczący eksterminacji Żydów”. Początek „akcji Reinhardt” – planowanie masowego mordu Żydów w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie, [w:] Akcja Reinhardt. Zagłada Żydów w Generalnym Gubernatorstwie, red. D. Libionka, Warszawa 2004, s. 15–38; D. Pohl, Znaczenie dystryktu lubelskiego w „ostatecznym rozwiązaniu kwestii żydowskiej”, [w:] tamże, s. 39–53; P. Black, Prosty żołnierz „akcji Reinhardt”. Oddziały z Trawnik i eksterminacja polskich Żydów, [w:] tamże, s. 103–131; R. Kuwałek, Obóz zagłady w Bełżcu, Lublin 2010, s. 30–55; R. Hilberg, Zagłada Żydów Europejskich, t. 2, Warszawa 2014, s. 593; D. Silberklang, Gates of tears. The Holocaust in the Lublin District, Jerusalem 2013, s. 221–247.
2 Archiwum Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego [dalej: AŻIH], zesp. 211, Żydowska Samopomoc Społeczna [dalej: ŻSS], sygn. 211/193, Żydowska Samopomoc Społeczna. Aneks, k. 70.
3 Archiwum Państwowe w Lublinie [dalej: APL], zesp. 499, Dziennik Urzędowy Okręgu Szefostwa Lublin, Dziennik Urzędowy Gubernatora Okręgu Lublin nr 12, 31 XII 1941 r., k. 165–166; tamże, zesp. 891, Rada Żydowska w Lublinie [dalej: RŻL], sygn. 13, Ogłoszenia dot. m.in. realizacji obowiązku pracy przymusowej, utworzenia getta w Lublinie, sprawie rozesłania sprawozdania z działalności Rady [1939–1940], pomocy prawnej itp., k. 300; AŻIH, ŻSS, 211/140, Korespondencja ŻSS z Markiem Altenem – Doradcą przy Szefie Dystryktu lubelskiego 6 XI 1941–29 XII 1941, k. 72; tamże, 211/193, Żydowska Samopomoc Społeczna. Aneks, k. 69; Eksterminacja Żydów na ziemiach polskich w okresie okupacji hitlerowskiej. Zbiór dokumentów, oprac. T. Berenstein, A. Eisenbach, A. Rutkowski, Warszawa 1957, s. 122–123; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta – likwidacja getta na Podzamczu, „Kwartalnik Historii Żydów” 2015, nr 4 (256), s. 708–714.
4 D. Pohl, Znaczenie dystryktu lubelskiego, s. 48; D. Silberklang, Żydzi i pierwsze deportacje z dystryktu lubelskiego, [w:] Akcja Reinhardt, s. 59–60.
5 Eksterminacja Żydów na ziemiach polskich, s. 122–123; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 709.
6 APL, RŻL, sygn. 3, Protokoły plenarnych posiedzeń Rady Żydowskiej w Lublinie od 1 stycznia 1940 r. do 1 listopada 1942 r., k. 225, 227; tamże, sygn. 13, Ogłoszenia dot. m.in. realizacji obowiązku pracy przymusowej, utworzenia getta w Lublinie, sprawie rozesłania sprawozdania z działalności Rady [1939–1940], pomocy prawnej itp., k. 289–290, 292, 295–296; tamże, sygn. 56, Akcja zbierania futer i wełny; wykazy imienne osób i rodzaj dostarczanej odzieży, k. 1–153; tamże, sygn. 57, Akcja zbierania futer i wełny; wykazy imienne osób i rodzaj dostarczanej odzieży, k. 1–117; Eksterminacja Żydów na ziemiach polskich, s. 167–168; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 710.
7 J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 710–711.
8 APL, Dziennik Urzędowy Gubernatora Okręgu Lublin nr 2, 28 II 1942 r., k. 8; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 711.
9 Wojewódzka Biblioteka Publiczna im. Hieronima Łopacińskiego w Lublinie [dalej: WBPiHŁwL], sygn. Mf 517, „Nowy Głos Lubelski”, 22–23 lutego 1942 r., nr 44, s. 3.
10 APL, RŻL, sygn. 13, Ogłoszenia dot. m.in. realizacji obowiązku pracy przymusowej, utworzenia getta w Lublinie, sprawie rozesłania sprawozdania z działalności Rady [1939–1940], pomocy prawnej itp., k. 330.
11 AŻIH, zesp. 253, Rada Żydowska w Lublinie, sygn. 19, Dokumenty prywatne. NN (Nina?), List do NN o przygotowaniach do akcji likwidacyjnej w getcie lubelskim, k. 1.
12 Archiwum Ringelbluma. Generalne Gubernatorstwo. Relacje i dokumenty, oprac. A. Bańkowska, Warszawa 2012, s. 54–55; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 712–713.
13 Eksterminacja Żydów na ziemiach polskich, s. 280.
14 Tamże, s. 280–282; R. Hilberg, Zagłada Żydów Europejskich, t. 3, Warszawa 2014, s. 1086; R. Kuwałek, Getta tranzytowe w dystrykcie lubelskim, [w:] Akcja Reinhardt, s. 138–160; T. Kranz, Zagłada Żydów w obozie koncentracyjnym na Majdanku, Lublin 2007, s. 17; R. Kuwałek, Krótkie życie na „Wschodzie”. Żydzi z terenu Rzeszy deportowani do dystryktu lubelskiego, „Studia Żydowskie. Almanach”, R. 4, 2014, nr 4, red. J. Chmielewski, s. 31–51; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 713.
15 AŻIH, ŻSS, sygn. 143, Korespondencja Prezydium ŻSS z Markiem Altenem, k. 46, 78; Archiwum Państwowego Muzeum na Majdanku [dalej: APMM], Relacje nt. gett, więzień i obozów położonych na terenie okupowanej Polski, sygn. VII/O-20, Relacja Idy Gliksztajn-Rapaport-Jarkoni, k. 29; Yad Vashem Archives [dalej: YVA], Yad Vashem Testimonies [dalej: YVT], sygn. 3060, Relacja Idy Rapaport-Jarkoni, k. 7; R. Kuwałek, Żydzi lubelscy w obozie koncentracyjnym na Majdanku, „Zeszyty Majdanka” 2003, t. 22, s. 84, 87; R. Kuwałek, Obóz zagłady w Bełżcu, Lublin 2010, s. 93–94; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 714.
16 P. Black, Prosty żołnierz „akcji Reinhardt”, s. 103–131; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 714.
17 AŻIH, 301/6670, Relacja Izraela Mełameda, k. 2; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 715.
18 APL, RŻL, sygn. 13, Ogłoszenia dot. m.in. realizacji obowiązku pracy przymusowej, utworzenia getta w Lublinie, sprawie rozesłania sprawozdania z działalności Rady (1939–1940), pomocy prawnej itp., k. 341, 344; WBPiHŁwL, sygn. Mf 517, „Nowy Głos Lubelski”, 20 marca 1942, nr 66, s. 3; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 723.
19 APL, RŻL, sygn. 3, Protokoły plenarnych posiedzeń Rady Żydowskiej w Lublinie od 1 I 1940 r. do 1 XI 1942 r., k. 243–245; tamże, sygn. 12, Zbiór wydanych ogłoszeń t. 3, k. 40; tamże, sygn. 25, Korespondencja z dyrekcją policji [Polizeidirektion] w Lublinie w sprawach dot. dorożek, pobytu Żydów w szpitalu, przepustek i in., k. 111; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 715–716.
20 Archiwum Ringelbluma. Generalne Gubernatorstwo, s. 47–48.
21 APL, RŻL, sygn. 3, Protokoły plenarnych posiedzeń Rady Żydowskiej w Lublinie od 1 I 1940 r. do 1 XI 1942 r., k. 244; tamże, sygn. 12, Zbiór wydanych ogłoszeń t. 3, k. 40; AŻIH, 301/6669, Relacja Romana Chwedkowskiego, k. 3; Archiwum Ringelbluma. Generalne Gubernatorstwo, s. 48–49; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 716–717.
22 AŻIH, ŻSS, 211/142, Korespondencja Prezydium ŻSS z Markiem Altenem, k. 33; tamże, 301/6, Relacja Doby Cukierman, k. 30; tamże, 301/6669, Relacja Romana Chwedkowskiego, k. 2; YVA, YVT, O.3/2036, Relacja Kiny Morgenstern, k. 6; tamże, O.3/3060, Relacja Idy Rapaport-Jarkoni, k. 7; tamże, O.3/7417, Relacja Kazimiery Korczak, k. 15; R. Kuwałek, Obóz zagłady, s. 180, 183; D. Silberklang, Żydzi i pierwsze deportacje, s. 63; J. Chmielewski, Obozy pracy dla Żydów w ramach planu „Otto”, „Studia Żydowskie. Almanach”, R. 3, 2013, nr 3, red. K. Zieliński, s. 139–156; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 717–718.
23 Adama Czerniakowa dziennik getta warszawskiego 6 IX 1939–23 VII 1942, wyd. M. Fuks, Warszawa 1983, s. 260, wpis z 18 marca 1942 r.
24 APMM, VII/O-20, Relacja Idy Gliksztajn-Rapaport-Jarkoni, k. 35.
25 APL, RŻL, sygn. 12, Zbiór wydanych ogłoszeń t. 3, k. 41–44, 48–49; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 718–719.
26 YVA, YVT, O.3/1324, Relacja Dwory Donner, k. 4–5; AŻIH, 301/801, Relacja Bolesława Kopelmana, k. 24; tamże, Archiwum Ringelbluma [dalej: ARG] I 27 (Ring. I/469), Inf. o akcjach likwidacyjnych w następujących miejscowościach: Wilno, Słonim, Krośniewice, Żychlin, Hancewicze k. Baranowicz, Równe-Sosenki, Lublin, k. 4; tamże, ARG II 351 (Ring. II/305), NN., Relacja pt. „Lublin”, k. 5; tamże, 301/1299, Relacja Hersza Feldmana, k. 6; tamże, 301/2783, relacja Chany Rapaport, k. 2; tamże, 301/2784, Relacja Rachmila Gartenkrauta, k. 10; Archiwum Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej [dalej: AIPN], sygn. 164/2470, Akta w sprawie Kalich, Knitzky, Werthoff, Sturm, gestapowców z Lublina, odpowiedzialnych za wymordowanie Żydów w Lublinie, k. 5; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 720–721.
27 AŻIH, ARG I 27 (Ring. I/469), Inf. o akcjach likwidacyjnych w następujących miejscowościach, k. 4; tamże, 301/2843, Relacja Symchy Turkieltauba, k. 3; R. Kuwałek, Żydzi lubelscy w obozie koncentracyjnym na Majdanku, s. 87; R. Kuwałek, Obóz zagłady, s. 98; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 721.
28 S. Erlichman-Bank, Listy z piekła, Białystok 1992, s. 25; AIPN, 164/2470, Akta w sprawie Kalich, Knitzky, Werthoff, Sturm, k. 5; APMM, VII/O-20, Relacja Idy Gliksztajn-Rapaport-Jarkoni, k. 31; AŻIH, 301/1295, Relacja Franciszki Mandelbaum, k. 8; tamże, 301/6670, Relacja Izraela Mełameda, k. 2; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 721–722.
29 S. Erlichman-Bank, Listy z piekła, s. 25.
30 Archiwum Ringelbluma. Generalne Gubernatorstwo, s. 56–57; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 722–723.
31 AŻIH, 301/2784, Relacja Rachmila Gartenkrauta, k. 9–10; tamże, 301/6669, Relacja Romana Chwedkowskiego, k. 3–4; APL, sygn. 4, Protokoły plenarnych posiedzeń Rady Żydowskiej w Lublinie [drugie i dalsze egzemplarze, odpisy], k. 271; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 725.
32 APL, RŻL, sygn. 3, Protokoły plenarnych posiedzeń Rady Żydowskiej w Lublinie od 1 I 1940 r. do 1 XI 1942 r., k. 248–249; APMM, VII/O-20, Relacja Idy Gliksztajn-Rapaport-Jarkoni, k. 35; AŻIH, 301/2784, Relacja Rachmila Gartenkrauta, k. 9; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 724–725.
33 YVA, YVT, sygn. 1335, Relacja Efraima Krasuckiego, k. 8.
34 Adama Czerniakowa dziennik getta warszawskiego, s. 262, wpis z 1 kwietnia 1942 r.
35 AŻIH, 301/6669, Relacja Romana Chwedkowskiego, k. 3–4; Archiwum Ringelbluma. Generalne Gubernatorstwo, s. 57; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 727–728.
36 APL, RŻL, sygn. 3, Protokoły plenarnych posiedzeń Rady Żydowskiej w Lublinie od 1 I 1940 r. do 1 XI 1942 r., k. 250; tamże, sygn. 4, Protokoły plenarnych posiedzeń Rady Żydowskiej w Lublinie [drugie i dalsze egzemplarze, odpisy], k. 271; tamże, sygn. 12, Zbiór wydanych ogłoszeń t. 3, k. 50; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 726.
37 APL, RŻL, sygn. 3, Protokoły plenarnych posiedzeń Rady Żydowskiej w Lublinie od 1 I 1940 r. do 1 XI 1942 r., k. 253; tamże, sygn. 12, Zbiór wydanych ogłoszeń t. 3, k. 50; tamże, sygn. 13, Ogłoszenia dot. m.in. realizacji obowiązku pracy przymusowej, utworzenia getta w Lublinie, sprawie rozesłania sprawozdania z działalności Rady [1939–1940], pomocy prawnej itp., k. 345; D. Silberklang, Żydzi i pierwsze deportacje, s. 58–59; R. Kuwałek, Obóz zagłady, s. 97; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 723–724.
38 Majdanek. Obóz koncentracyjny w relacjach więźniów i świadków, oprac. Marta Grudzińska, Lublin 2011, s. 22.
39 J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 727–728.
40 APL, RŻL, sygn. 3, Protokoły plenarnych posiedzeń Rady Żydowskiej w Lublinie od 1 I 1940 r. do 1 XI 1942 r., k. 249, 250; J. Chmielewski, Struktura i funkcjonowanie Judenratu w Lublinie – próba analizy, „Studia Żydowskie. Almanach”, R. 2, 2012, nr 2, red. A. Markowski, K. Zieliński, s. 204; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 728.
41 APL, RŻL, sygn. 3, Protokoły plenarnych posiedzeń Rady Żydowskiej w Lublinie od 1 I 1940 r. do 1 XI 1942 r., k. 254; tamże, sygn. 182, Meldunki o zajściach, sprawozdania z działalności, wykazy opornych płatników podatku gminnego, k. 96; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 728–729.
42 APL, RŻL, sygn. 12, Zbiór wydanych ogłoszeń t. 3, k. 35; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 729.
43 APL, RŻL, sygn. 12, Zbiór wydanych ogłoszeń t. 3, k. 37, 39; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 730.
44 AŻIH, ŻSS, 211/142, Korespondencja Prezydium ŻSS z Markiem Altenem 9 III 1942–30 III 1942, k. 34.
45 APL, RŻL, sygn. 3, Protokoły plenarnych posiedzeń Rady Żydowskiej w Lublinie od 1 I 1940 r. do 1 XI 1942 r., k. 254; AŻIH, ŻSS, 211/142, Korespondencja Prezydium ŻSS z Markiem Altenem, k. 44; tamże, 211/143, Korespondencja Prezydium ŻSS z Markiem Altenem, k. 24, 39; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 730.
46 APL, RŻL, sygn. 172, Sprawozdanie Wydziału Stanu Cywilnego z 1940 r., wykaz zmarłych, karty zgonów, ruch ludności żydowskiej w latach 1842–1942 i in., k. 35–36, 55–62, 88–89, 94–96, 99; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 731–733.
47 APL, RŻL, sygn. 172, Sprawozdanie Wydziału Stanu Cywilnego z 1940 r., wykaz zmarłych, karty zgonów, ruch ludności żydowskiej w latach 1842–1942 i in., k. 37.
48 APMM, VII/O-20, Relacja Idy Gliksztajn-Rapaport-Jarkoni, k. 33.
49 APL, RŻL, sygn. 172, Sprawozdanie Wydziału Stanu Cywilnego z 1940 r., wykaz zmarłych, karty zgonów, ruch ludności żydowskiej w latach 1842–1942 i in., k. 39–42, 45, 90–91, 93–95; tamże, sygn. 172, Sprawozdanie Wydziału Stanu Cywilnego z 1940 r., wykaz zmarłych, karty zgonów, ruch ludności żydowskiej w latach 1842–1942 i in., k. 733–735.
50 AŻIH, ŻSS, 211/143, Korespondencja Prezydium ŻSS z Markiem Altenem, k. 46, 78; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta, s. 735.
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