The Ghetto in Podzamcze – boundaries and area
The first months of 1941 brought a tightening of German policy regarding Jews in the whole General Government territory. The advancing process of ghettoization in that period had claimed many towns and cities, among them Kraków, Radom, Częstochowa and Kielce. It was a period when the city of Lublin also witnessed the creation of its own ghetto. The small number of Jews who could reside outside its boundaries were those in possession of special permits or dispatched to working places. The privileged few included city hall and the Judenrat clerks, doctors, as well as chosen craftsmen who did specific jobs commissioned by the Germans. In the months to come, the living conditions of the majority of Jewish citizens deteriorated significantly, leading to the outbreak of typhoid fever and resulting in an increased death toll. Many of the ghetto inhabitants lived on the verge of utter desitution while the Judenrat, facing constantly diminishing money and food supplies, could not help prevent the intensifying pauperization. Despite the dramatically severe conditions, the Lublin Jews were not left dying in the streets, as was the case in the Warsaw ghetto. The situation had not improved, however, until the beginning of 1942, when the ghetto was divided.
- Separation of a part of the Old Town from the ghetto
- The plan to establish an enclosed housing district - the ghetto
- The Status of Grodzka Street
- Resettlements to the various areas of the ghetto
- Introduction of a ban on leaving the ghetto
- The division of the ghetto
- The fencing of ghetto B
- Extension of ghetto B – the beginning of the “displacement action” in ghetto A
- The Gates
Separation of a part of the Old Town from the ghetto
At the turn of 1940/1941 a rumour spread among the Jewish citizens of German plans to create a ghetto, which did indeed come to being by the end of March 1941. Undoubtedly, German civilian and police authorities had taken meticulous steps to prepare for the task, having consulted the delineation of ghetto boundaries with the City Administration Board. The possibility of the initial plans to incorporate the Old Town into the area of the ghetto cannot be ruled out. It is indicated in the official letter sent by the City Administration Board to the Municipal Foreman, Friedrich Saurmann, on 3 October 1940, in which the necessity of leaving the Aryan part of the city is argued for. The city authorities justified this course of action with historical and ethnic grounds, since a significant percent of the Old Town was inhabited by Polish citizens. Additionally, many public institutions were situated there, among them The State Pedagogical School (5 Archidiakońska Street), The Municipal Primary School, The Charity Workhouse and The Educational Institute for Boys (1 Dominikańska Street), as well as The Educational Institute for Girls and The War Orphans Centre (5 Dominikańska Street). In addition, some of the City Administration departments operated from The Tribunal Hall. Moreover, the city authorities pointed out the presence of churches, crafts workshops and real estate belonging to Polish inhabitants there1:
“The Old Town Square and its vicinity, as the former centre of the city, had always been the seat of local authorities and institutions, as well a place of residence for Lublin citizens.
[…] the state and municipal institutions, among them The Tribunal Hall, the city mint, as well as the Old Town Churches: The Dominican Church, St. Michael's and St. Wojciech's, together with a number of Polish properties are situated in the Town Square and its surroundings. It was only when the modern town started to develop outside the city gates that some of the tenement houses were taken over by Jewish citizens. […] Despite the unfavourable conditions, the part of the city situated in the neighbourhood of the Old Town Square […] has not so far lost its Aryan character, since the number of municipal, Polish and generally Aryan property and citizens had been always greater than 50%. […] Hence, the Administration of the City asks the Municipal Foreman […] not to incorporate the Old Town Square and its vicinity at the very least […]”2.
At the beginning of October 1940, according to the data collected by the City Administration Board, the Old Town was inhabited by 1556 Polish and 1515 Jewish citizens3. The concern of the City Administration turned out to be groundless since the majority of the Old Town Streets – Archidiakońska, Bramowa, Dominikańska, Grodzka, Jezuicka, Olejna, Noworybna, Rybna, Rynek and Złota – were eventually not included in the ghetto which was taking shape in March 1941. Certain changes to the plan arose as late as the beginning of 1942, when German forces divided the ghetto into sections A and B, separating an area of even-numbered tenement houses in Grodzka Street and odd-numbered buildings in Rybna Street, which simultaneosly delineated the boundary of the ghetto.
The plan to establish an enclosed housing district - the ghetto
The policy of the German occupying forces towards the Jewish population in the territory of the General Government was based on isolationism, entailing the progressive process of ghettoization, the culmination of which was the imprisonment of the victims in an allocated habitation zone. In Lublin, from the very start of the German occupation, displaced Jews were relocated to Podzamcze, inhabited mostly by poor Jewish citizens. Many houses in that district lacked running water, sewerage, and proper sanitation systems, the buildings being a combination of brick and wood. Podzamcze, together with its proximate surroundings, were the biggest Jewish agglomeration in the city, which had undoubtedly influenced the choice of the ghetto location.
The decree for the creation of the ghetto was issued by the Governor of the Lublin District, Ernst Zörner, on 24 March 1941. The boundaries of the ghetto covered the existing area of Jewish residence.
“The boundaries of the ghetto in Lublin are delinated by the following streets: from the corner of Kowalska, down Kowalska and Krawiecka and along the set of houses indicated on the plan, crossing the empty space of Sienna to Kalinowszczyzna, up to the corner of Franciszkańska, along Franciszkańska up till it reaches Unicka Street and the corner of Lubartowska, down Lubartowska to the corner of Kowalska. Institutional buildings and houses taken over by Offices, Military Units and churches are excluded from these regulations”4.
The following streets were incorporated into the area of the ghetto: Błotniki, Cyrulicza, Czwartek, Furmańska, Jateczna, Kalinowszczyzna (numbers 1–5), Kowalska (the odd side of the street), Krawiecka, Krzywa, Lubartowska (the odd side of the street), Mostowa, Nadstawna, Krawiecki Square, Targowy Square, Podzamcze, Ruska, Sienna, Szeroka, Św. Mikołaja, Targowa, Wąska, Wysoka and Zamkowa Streets.
Simultaneous to the relocation of the Jewish citizens to the ghetto was the reverse process of the abandonment of the area by Polish inhabitants who were to move out by April 10th. Should the directives of the German authorities fail to be obeyed, Polish citizens were to be resettled forcibly. Despite the threat of sanctions, not all Poles decided to leave the ghetto – some stayed within its boundaries until the liquidation action in March 1942. Jewish citizens living outside the ghetto were ordered to relocate to its area by the 15th of April. Those inhabiting the neighbourhoods of Kalinowszczyzna and Sierakowszczyzna were given the deadline of May 1st. The Jews who did not comply with the directives were to be forcibly resettled outside of Lublin in designated towns of the Lublin District5. People who willingly moved into the area of the ghetto, were allowed to bring their furniture, personal belongings, shop furnishings and goods supply. The immediate supervision of the ghetto was consigned to the Municipal Foreman who superintended the area with the intermediation of the Judenrat6.
The Status of Grodzka Street
Grodzka Street, with the seat of the Judenrat at number 11, as well as the other streets of the Old Town, remained outside the area of the ghetto. Even though it was not officially incorporated into the ghetto, some buildings situated there were allocated to privileged Jews, office workers of the Judenrat, people employed in the work camp at 7 Lipowa Street and Judeneinsatzstelle at Arbeitsamt, all of which was announced during the Judenrat session on 1 April 1941:
“For the most part, Grodzka Street will not belong to the area of the ghetto, however the buildings from number 11 onwards will be at the disposal of the Council to be used as flats for the Council clerks, and the buildings on the other side of the street, from number 14 on, will be made available to those employed at the SS Square and the Arbeitsamt Judeneinsatzstelle”7.
The houses designated for residential purposes were situated at the even-numbered side of the street (numbers 14–36) as well as the odd side of the street (numbers 13–23). The building at 11 Grodzka Street had a public administrative function, being the seat of the Judenrat as well as the Jewish Orphanage. Its previous tenants had to move out (leaving their apartments intact) no later than the 9th of April on the even-numbered side, and the 10th of April on the odd side of the street8.
Resettlements to the various areas of the ghetto
The resettlement of Jews from the remaining streets of the Old Town was to be carried out according to the schedule approved by the Judenrat, on the assumption that the evictions will be concluded between 14th and 19th of April. As a consequence, the deadline for the closing of the ghetto had to be postponed, which – without question – had been approved by the German authorities. The first Jews to be relocated were the inhabitants of Grodzka Street, and subsequently the tenants from: Rynek, Złota, Archidiakońska, Dominikańska and Jezuicka Streets. The streets not listed by name were to be abandoned on the last day9. In her statement, given in May 1946, Franciszka Mandelbaum mentions some of the areas which were banned from Jewish use after the resettlement was concluded: “After the first displacement in March 1941 we lost: Staszica, Szewska, Świętoduska, Nowa Streets, the even-numbered Lubartowska with its adjacent side streets, Rynek and Złota Streets [...]”10.
Introduction of a ban on leaving the ghetto
The decree issued by the Lublin District Governor initiated a completely new period of existence for the Jewish community in Lublin. As a consequence of forcible or voluntary displacement actions, several thousand Jews left the city. According to the census carried out at the end of April 1941, the area of the ghetto was inhabited by little more than 34,000 Jews. The day before the beginning of the eviction action, the number of people rose to approx. 37,000–38,000 Jews, which was most probably a result of the influx of illegal refugees to the area11. For the first few months, the quarter itself was not fenced off, which might have been caused by its location, since a crucial communication route – Ruska Street – stretched across its very centre. This does not mean, however, that the German authorities were not planning to do it. Indeed, the opposite is evident from the documents sent out in March and April 1941 by the Municipal Foreman to many towns in the Lublin District, informing of the need for wooden poles and barbed wire. A shortage in the amount of the necessary materials might have influenced the decision to suspend the plans for fencing the ghetto12.
On 9 December 1941, E. Zörner issued another decree in which he confirmed the existing boundaries of the ghetto. At the same time he referred to the directives of General Governor Frank (15 October 1941) which stated that leaving the ghetto was only allowed with a special certificate. Jews caught outside the ghetto without permits were to be punished with death, as were any people helping them to escape. Hiding Jews from other towns within the boundaries of the ghetto was also sanctioned with a death penalty. What is interesting, the relating announcement was postered on the walls of the ghetto as late as the 18th of December13. Information on the new regulation was delivered to the Presidium of the Jewish Mutual Social Aid Society (ŻSS) in Kraków:
“It is communicated by Dr Siegfried that on the 18th of the current month, an announcement appeared on the walls of the city informing about the ban on leaving the Jewish Quarter. The boundaries of the district in question are determined in size identical to those in March 1941. The Jewish Quarter is never to be left «unbefugt» or entered «unbefugt» which is applicable to both Aryan and Jewish citizens abiding outside of the zone until today […]14.
The division of the ghetto
The boundaries of the ghetto had been unaltered until the beginning of 1942. In mid December 1941 the Judenrat was informed about the German plans to divide the ghetto into parts A and B and separating it from the Aryan side of the city, which was explained as being necessary for sanitary reasons. The plans for part B assumed gathering approx. 10,000 privileged Jews, which included workmen employed by German authorities and companies, as well as the council and office workers of the Judenrat and Jewish aid institutions. The remaining 25,000 Jews were to inhabit part A:
“A few days ago, as the deputy of the Jewish Council, I received news from the head of police, of the full closing of the Jewish Quarter due to the spread of typhoid fever. At the same time, the works undertaken within the Jewish habitation zone clearly indicate that the district is about to be closed off. According to the head of police, Jewish habitation zones A and B are being mapped out. Section A is designed as a general Jewish housing district, and it is here that the local citizens are to stay. Section B adjoins the area of part A, it should however be fully separated, since it is to be inhabited by those Jews who are employed in German offices. Housing district A will hold approximately 25,000 Jews, and district B approximately 10,000 Jews”15.
The fencing of ghetto B
In mid December 1941 the German forces had undertaken activities aimed at dividing the ghetto into sections A and B, with “[...] part B fully closed [...]"16. On this basis, it can be assumed that the only area planned for barbed wire fencing was part B, which was intended for privileged Jews. It is confirmed by Franciszka Mandelbaum, who in her testimony from May 1946 mentions precisely the time when the fencing took place, and the streets along which it was done: “In December 1941 wooden poles were being dug in at Grodzka, Rybna, Kowalska and Lubartowska Streets on the odd side and connected with wires [...]”17; Lubartowska Street had not been incorporated into ghetto B until the beginning of the liquidation action. On the other hand, Ida Glickstein in her memoires gives a cursory statement saying that at the beginning of 1942 “the Jewish district in Lublin was already a closed off ghetto, surrounded with barbed wire”, which agrees with the account of Kina Morgenstern18. Also the issue is briefly referred to by Efraim Krasucki: “In January 1942 the eastern part of the district was fenced with wire. The area could by no means hold all the Jews living in Lublin so there was a rumour that half of them are to be relocated […]”19. Ignacy Wieniarz remembers the fence of the ghetto stretching as far as Ruska Street: “The Lublin ghetto had been surrounded with a wooden fence by the end of 1941 and it was limited with Kowalska Street (all of it inside the ghetto), while Lubartowska Street was in the ghetto only on its right side, and Ruska on its right side. There were fields and the Lublin castle on the other side. Grodzka Street, where the Judenrat was situated, also belonged to the ghetto”20.
In the light of the existing accounts it can be assumed, however, that the wall of the ghetto did not reach Ruska Street, enclosing only the area of part B. Similarly, the fragment of Kowalska Street, from the corner of Lubartowska down to Rybna Street, was outside the ghetto. The news of the imminent division of the ghetto reached an anonymous author, whose account found its way to the Ringelblum Archive: “Due to further spread of the epidemic [of typhoid fever – J.Ch.] the rumours about the ghetto were beginning to take shape and have finally come true: ghetto B for people employed by the Germans was created (situated at Grodzka Street) and ghetto A, which was intended for the remaining Jewish citizens at Szeroka, Cyrulicza, Kowalska, Unicka and Kalinowszczyzna Streets”21. In this case, the author includes Grodzka Street in ghetto B, while in reality only its left side was incorporated into its area; as far as ghetto A is concerned, the author mentions only some of the streets, indicating among others Unicka Street, which demarcated the northern boundary of this section of the ghetto.
By the end of January 1942, in the immediate vicinity of the ghetto and on its boundaries, the German authorities placed signs limiting or even preventing any traffic in the direction of the Jewish Quarter. There were two types of boards, one with “one-way street” or “dead-end street” written on them, and another which banned traffic in both directions with a “no entry” sign. The “dead-end street” signs were placed on the corners of Kowalska and Lubartowska, Szeroka and Ruska as well as Podwale and Zamojska Streets. At the same time, on the corner of Rybna, Rynek and Grodzka a “one-way street” sign was fixed. The “no entry” signs were put up on the corners of Noworybna and Lubartowska as well as in Rybna looking out onto the Rynek. One of these was also placed on the corner of Archidiakońska looking out onto Grodzka Street22. In the same period Postal Office – Lublin 4 at 22 Świętoduska Street, which was outside the ghetto, was closed for Jews23. On the basis of existing documents and oral records, it can be assumed that the measures taken by the German authorities were aimed at stopping the migration of people between the particular sections of the ghetto and isolating the privileged Jews from the rest of its population. Germans argued that their actions were driven because of sanitary-hygienic concerns along with typhoid epidemic in the ghetto. Nevertheless, it can be presumed that the above-mentioned proceedings were an element of preparation for the ultimate liquidation of the ghetto in Podzamcze.
The rumours of the imminent division of the Jewish Quarter into two sections, which had been reaching the ghetto for some time, took shape on 4 February 1942, when governor Zörner issued a decree, ordering that a “special housing zone” be created. In reality, it meant that the ghetto was divided into two parts, assigned with numbers 1 (section B) and 2 (section A) in the decree. In her memoirs, Ida Glickstein classified them as the small and the big ghetto24. For the needs of the “special housing zone” a tenement house area was allocated, delineated by the following streets: Rybna, Kowalska, Krawiecka, Podwale and Grodzka. What is interesting, the building of the Judenrat at 11 Grodzka Street, which held its function for the whole period of the liquidation action, remained outside the boundary of ghetto B. Thus, the actual area of the ghetto was extended, and section B was additionally fenced off with barbed wire:
“1/ In order to close off the Jews employed in German offices and companies outside the old Jewish housing area (Ghetto), a Jewish special housing zone is to be created (special Ghetto) in the part of the city of Lublin delimited to the following streets: Rybna, Kowalska from the corner of Rybna to Krawiecka, Krawiecka to the corner of Podwale, Podwale along the fence to Grodzka, Grodzka up to the Rynek. (This part of the city had, in fact, already been fenced off with barbed wire).
2/ The special Ghetto can only be entered and exited through the designated gates.
3/ Jews living in the Ghetto are strictly forbidden to attempt unauthorised entry into the special Ghetto, marked with number 1. Similarly, Jews living in the special Ghetto are not allowed unauthorised entry into the Ghetto”25.
The text of the decree was released in The New Lublin Voice, which was the only newspaper being published in Polish in Lublin at this time26. The ghetto's division into sections A and B as well as its fencing with barbed wire was deeply etched in the memories of the surviving Lublin Jews. It is worth noticing, however, that witnesses in their post-war accounts or testimonies had in some cases determined the time of particular events incorrectly, though all concur that these actions took place. In her statement from May 1946, Anna Bach recalls the time of the fencing of the ghetto in the following way: “In the summer of 1941, they started wiring off the ghetto, to separate the Jewish district from the Aryan one”27.
Extension of ghetto B – the beginning of the “displacement action” in ghetto A
The regulations issued at the beginning of February 1942 had been binding until the liquidation of the ghetto in Podzamcze. On March 17th, during a special meeting of the Judenrat, the SiPo and SD officers responsible for the resettlement actions announced the “Directives for resettlement” on the basis of which ghetto B would be extended to incorporate an area of tenement houses in Cyrulicza, Kowalska and Lubartowska Streets28.
More detailed information is to be found in the document from March 20th sent by the head of the Juderat, Henryk Bekker, to Municipal Foreman, Friedrich Saurmann, in which the tenement houses to be included into the ghetto were accurately specified: 1, 5, 9, 11, 13, 15, 17 Cyrulicza Street; 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 Furmańska Street; 4, 8, 10, 12, 14, 16 Kowalska Street and 1, 3, 5 Lubartowska Street. Also, the fact is indirectly confirmed in a fragment from the diaries of Ida Glickstein, who says the following, while describing the liquidation action in Podzamcze: “Now they ordered the remaining people to move into the small ghetto. It is limited now to Grodzka, Kowalska and Rybna Streets as well as the right side of Lubartowska […]”29.
The extension of the boundaries of ghetto B is also described by an anonymous witness, whose account survived in the Ringelblum Archive: “The remaining people [in possession of a stamped work permit – J.Ch.] are to move to ghetto «B», which will be enlarged and will encompass the following streets: Rybna, Grodzka, Kowalska, Cyrulicza and Lubartowska up to number 5 […]”30. The boundaries of the ghetto are also mentioned by Kina Morgenstern in her account: “Leaving the ghetto has become even more difficult after they'd reduced it. Jews could now live only in Cyrulicza Street, parts of Lubartowska, Grodzka, in Rybna Street and in Kowalska”31. More precise still is the depiction of the ghetto boundaries given by Rachmil Gartenkraut who, nonetheless, made the mistake of including Szeroka Street into its area, which in fact was part of ghetto A. He also provided incorrect dating: “In the spring of 1942, they brought wooden poles and wire and started to fence the ghetto, which then included the right side of Lubartowska Street and also Furmańska up to Cyrulicza, Szeroka, Kowalska, Grodzka and Rybna […]”32. However, Roman Chwedkowski, in the sketch of the ghetto B boundaries attached to his testimony, shows how they included the right side of Kowalska, the left side of Rybna and Grodzka as well as Podwale Street; additionally, though somewhat doubtfully, he notes that this part of the ghetto also encompassed a fragment of Szeroka up to the synagogue of Saul Wahl, which was situated in 12 Podzamcze Street33.
There were separate gates leading to each part of the ghetto. The gate belonging to ghetto A was situated in Cyrulicza Street, while ghetto B had its in Kowalska. What is more, it was stated in the “Directives for resettlement” that an additional gate to ghetto B was located in Podwale Street. The account of Hersz Feldman serves as confirmation of this: “There were two gates, one in Podwale, the other in Kowalska Street. People would exit in single file, they only needed to show a suitable certificate […]”34. Franciszka Mandelbaum, on the other hand, remembers one of the gates to be situated in Grodzka, but can't remember its exact location35. On the day before the beginning of the liquidation of the ghetto in Podzamcze, the German authorities ordered for the gate on the corner of Szeroka and Grodzka Streets to be closed36. The actions undertaken by the German police forces in that period were a significant element of preparation for the ultimate extermination of the Jewish citizens of Lublin, which were to facilitate the displacement logistics.
The ghetto kept the above-mentioned shape until mid April 1942 when it was completely liquidated. Several thousand remaining Jews were relocated to the suburban district in Majdan Tatarski, where a makeshift residual ghetto was created.
1 Archiwum Państwowe w Lublinie [dalej: APL], zesp. 22, Akta Miasta Lublina [dalej: AML], sygn. 23, Zarząd Miejski w Lublinie Wydział Budowlany. Akta spraw Starego Miasta i otwarcia Ghetto, k. 3–5.
2 Tamże, k. 3, 5; tamże, sygn. 390, Sprawy urządzenia getta w Lublinie, k. 1–15.
3 Tamże, sygn. 23, Zarząd Miejski w Lublinie Wydział Budowlany. Akta spraw Starego Miasta i otwarcia Ghetto, k. 19.
4 Tamże, sygn. 13, Ogłoszenia dot. m.in. realizacji obowiązku pracy przymusowej, utworzenia getta w Lublinie, sprawie rozesłania sprawozdania z działalności Rady [1939–1940], pomocy prawnej itp., k. 182–186; tamże, sygn. 121, Zamiana mieszkań, przydziały dla Żydów zatrudnionych przez władze i firmy niemieckie, plany getta i in., k. 32–33; Archiwum Żydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego [dalej: AŻIH], zesp. 241, Obwieszczenia i zarządzenia władz okupacyjnych, sygn. 201, Szef Okręgu Lublin podp. Zörner Gubernator. Obwieszczenie. Utworzenie w Lublinie zamkniętej, żydowskiej dzielnicy mieszkaniowej, k. 1; tamże, ARG I 1292 (Ring. I/702), „Gazeta Żydowska”, nr 26, 1 kwietnia 1941, s. 4.
5 APL, RŻL, sygn. 11, Zbiór wydanych ogłoszeń, t. 2, k. 160, 162, 164–165.
6 Tamże, sygn. 13, Ogłoszenia dot. m.in. realizacji obowiązku pracy przymusowej, utworzenia getta w Lublinie, sprawie rozesłania sprawozdania z działalności Rady [1939-1940], pomocy prawnej itp., k. 182–186.
7 APL, RŻL, sygn. 3, Protokoły plenarnych posiedzeń Rady Żydowskiej w Lublinie od 1 stycznia 1940 roku do 1 listopada 1942 roku, k. 127–128.
8 Tamże, sygn. 13, Ogłoszenia dot. m.in. realizacji obowiązku pracy przymusowej, utworzenia getta w Lublinie, sprawie rozesłania sprawozdania z działalności Rady [1939–1940], pomocy prawnej itp., 190, 194, 196–197.
9 Tamże, sygn. 3, Protokoły plenarnych posiedzeń Rady Żydowskiej w Lublinie od 1 stycznia 1940 roku do 1 listopada 1942 roku, k. 131.
10 Archiwum Instytutu Pamięci Narodowej [dalej: AIPN], sygn. GK 175/186, Akta w sprawie getta w Lublinie – protokoły zeznań świadków, korespondencja 1948–1949, k. 28.
11 APL, RŻL, sygn. 6, Sprawozdania wydziałów, k. 50; AŻIH, zesp. 211, Żydowska Samopomoc Społeczna [dalej: ŻSS], sygn. 143, Korespondencja Prezydium ŻSS z Markiem Altenem – Doradcą przy Szefie Dystryktu lubelskiego 1 IV 1941–9 XI 1942, k. 6, 78; J. Chmielewski, Zagłada żydowskiego miasta – likwidacja getta na Podzamczu, „Kwartalnik Historii Żydów” 2015, nr 4 (256), s. 714.
12 APL, zesp. 501, Der Kreishauptmann Lublin Land (Starostowo Powiatowe w Lublinie) 1939–1944, sygn. 135, k. 1–29; AŻIH, 301/271, Relacja Hadasy Halbersztadt, k. 18.
13 APL, zesp. 499, Dziennik Urzędowy Szefostwa Okręgu Lublin, Dziennik Urzędowy Gubernatora Okręgu Lublin nr 12, 31 grudnia 1941 roku, k. 165–166; tamże, sygn. 13, Ogłoszenia dot. m.in. realizacji obowiązku pracy przymusowej, utworzenia getta w Lublinie, sprawie rozesłania sprawozdania z działalności Rady 1939–1940], pomocy prawnej itp., k. 300; AŻIH, ŻSS, 211/654, Korespondencja Prezydium ŻSS z Komitetem Powiatowym ŻSS w Lublinie 2 stycznia 1942–5 listopada 1942, k. 4; Biblioteka im. Hieronima Łopacińskiego w Lublinie [dalej: BiHŁwL], sygn. Mf 517, „Nowy Głos Lubelski”, nr 299, R. 2, 21–22 grudnia 1941 roku, s. 3; Eksterminacja Żydów na ziemiach polskich w okresie okupacji hitlerowskiej. Zbiór dokumentów, oprac. T. Berenstein, A. Eisenbach, A. Rutkowski, Warszawa 1957, s. 122–123.
14 Unbefugt oznacza nieupoważniony, bez upoważnienia. AŻIH, ŻSS, 211/193, ŻSS. Lublin, k. 69.
15 Tamże, 211/140, Korespondencja ŻSS z Markiem Altenem – Doradcą przy Szefie Dystryktu lubelskiego 6 listopada 1941–29 grudnia 1941, k. 72; tamże, 211/193, ŻSS. Lublin, k. 70.
16 Tamże, sygn. 193, ŻSS. Lublin, k. 70.
17 AIPN, GK 175/186, Akta w sprawie getta w Lublinie, k. 28.
18 Archiwum Państwowego Muzeum na Majdanku [dalej: APMM], Relacje nt. gett, więzień i obozów położonych na terenie okupowanej Polski, sygn. VII/O-18, Pamiętnik Idy Gliksztajn Rapaport Jarkoni pt. „Wzorcowe getto w cieniu Majdanka”, k. 12; tamże, sygn. VII/O-221, Relacja Kiny Morgenstern, k. 4. W wersji złożonej w 1989 roku Ida Gliksztajn podała, że w styczniu 1942 roku drutem kolczastym otoczono jedynie pewien obszar getta, sugerując podział na dwie części. Tamże, VII/O-19, Pamiętnik Idy Gliksztajn Rapaport Jarkoni pt. „Getta: Lublin i Majdan Tatarski”, k. 12. We wspomnieniach spisanych w 1967 r. w Izraelu, Ida Gliksztajn stwierdziła: „W styczniu i lutym [1942 – J.Ch.] zostało ogrodzone ghetto drutem kolczastym i zamknięte. Istniały dwa ghetta: małe – dla uprzywilejowanych, duże dla reszty ludności”. YVA, YVT, O.3/3060, Relacja Idy Rapaport Jarkoni, k. 6.
19 APMM, VII/O-220, Relacja Efraima Krasuckiego, k. 4.
20 AŻIH, 301/6260, Relacja Ignacego Wieniarza, k. 72.
21 Tamże, Konspiracyjne Archiwum Getta Warszawy [Ring. I, Ring. II] Archiwum Ringelbluma.  1940-03.1943, sygn. ARG II 351 (Ring. II/305), k. 3; Archiwum Ringelbluma. Generalne Gubernatorstwo. Relacje i dokumenty, oprac. A. Bańkowska, Warszawa 2012, s. 54.
22 APL, AML, sygn. 390, Sprawy urządzenia getta w Lublinie, k. 16–18.
23 Tamże, sygn. 13, Ogłoszenia dot. m.in. realizacji obowiązku pracy przymusowej, utworzenia getta w Lublinie, sprawie rozesłania sprawozdania z działalności Rady [1939–1940], pomocy prawnej itp., k. 308; tamże, sygn. 52, Wydział Pocztowy – zarządzenia, sprawozdania, korespondencja z Prezydium Rady, k. 36.
24 APMM, VII/O-18, Pamiętnik Idy Gliksztaj Rapaport Jarkoni, k. 19; YVA, YVT, sygn. O.3/3060, Relacja Idy Rapaport Jarkoni, k. 6.
25 APL, Dziennik Urzędowy Gubernatora Okręgu Lublin nr 2, 28 lutego 1942 r., k. 8.
26 WBiHŁwL, sygn. Mf 517, „Nowy Głos Lubelski”, nr 44, R. 3, 22–23 lutego 1942 r., s. 3.
27 AIPN, GK 175/186, Akta w sprawie getta w Lublinie, k. 22.
28 APL, RŻL, sygn. 12, Zbiór wydanych ogłoszeń t. 3 – 1942, k. 40; tamże, sygn. 25, Korespondencja z dyrekcją policji [Polizeidirektion] w Lublinie w sprawie dot. dorożek, pobytu Żydów w szpitalu, przepustek i n. 1941–1942, k. 111.
29 APMM, sygn. VII/O-19, Pamiętnik Idy Gliksztajn Rapaport Jarkoni, k. 15.
30 AŻIH, Konspiracyjne Archiwum Getta Warszawy [Ring. I, Ring. II] Archiwum Ringelbluma.  1940-03.1943, sygn. ARG I 849 (Ring. I/948), k. 1; Archiwum Ringelbluma, s. 48.
31 APMM, VII/O-221, Relacja Kiny Morgenstern, k. 5.
32 AŻIH, 301/2784, Relacja Rachmila Gartenkrauta, k. 9.
33 Tamże, 301/6669, Relacja Romana Chwedkowskiego, k. 3.
34 APL, RŻL, sygn. 12, Zbiór wydanych ogłoszeń t. 3 – 1942, k. 40; AŻIH, 301/1290, Relacja Henryka Goldwaga, k. 15; tamże, 301/1299, Relacja Hersza Feldmana, k. 5; tamże, 301/6260, Relacja Ignacego Wieniarza, k. 72; tamże, 301/6669, Relacja Romana Chwedkowskiego, k. 3.
35 Tamże, 301/1295, Relacja Franciszki Mandelbaum, k. 20.
36 APL, RŻL, sygn. 13, Ogłoszenia dot. m.in. realizacji obowiązku pracy przymusowej, utworzenia getta w Lublinie, sprawie rozesłania sprawozdania z działalności Rady [1939–1940], pomocy prawnej itp., k. 334–335.